Each year Victory Day May 9 answers many interrelated issues. What is today's Russia? What are its main values? whether it has retained its historical identity since the last change in the socio-economic stakes? Genuine deep feeling with which the country worships the Great Victory, reveals the enormous potential of national unity. Millions of people are coming out of the heart the command of the streets, show that they constitute not only the population, but the Nation - the phenomenon of world history and culture.
In those days, it becomes clear how great the need for unifying the historical experience, how strong will feel as one, the continuity of living organisms - with their goals and values, connection between the past, present and future.
9 May young and old, rich and poor, strong and feeble, "successful" and concerned - the people separated by thousands of reasons and circumstances, become one.
In the 2014 last year once again amazed lukewarm Europe "mysterious" Russia, which despite the mockery, the internal disunity and vacillation has shown that knows how to honor its past, and thus once again claimed the right to self-historical future. The transformation of this building into a powerful factor in the development will, of course, depend on the speedy overcoming serious the problems in our society and the state and the difficult economic and social ills.
However, it is the overcoming of ideological chaos and confusion is the most important prerequisite for solving social and economic problems. Advanced technology parks will earn from us, unless much-needed modernization of Russia will be based on the semantic goals and values of national life. And, of course, but it will ensure the independence of Russia in a historic decision, and therefore the rightful place in international relations.
Remembering the great wars of the XX century, Russian is always applauded his Western allies - the British, the Americans and the French, his brothers-in-arms from Eastern Europe. Although these countries could be heard, and heard a lot of poisonous words on those holy days, the Russian did not drop so far as to forget their contribution to the common victory. Capable of such one who is confident, and needs no denying others to elevate themselves.
The world as a whole, impressed and took note of this.
The impotent anger of incurable nihilists both in Russia and abroad is caused not so much by the Victory Day in Russia, parades on Red Square, as a sincere nationwide impulse. The million-voice chorus of Russian youth, with an ecstasy of pride for the Motherland, picking up military songs at festive stadiums, sounds like a Jericho pipe. It crushes the perennial attempts to debunk our past, which remains the supporting stone of national consciousness. So, the questions, "for what and with whom we fought", and "what's left of our Victory", are becoming more relevant today.
Documents before the war, the military and the recent past give us unexpected evidence revealing the underlying motives of the dramatic and ambitious contradictions of the twentieth century, it is not always associated with the communist nature of the USSR.
It is in this context should be read materials that illustrate the relationship between the USSR and the Allies. For example, the message the leaders of Britain and the United States, which pay tribute to the leadership of the Soviet Union, faithful to its obligations, and the valor and sacrifice of our military. "Free World," then do not bother, it was the Red Army!
Dry statistics: on the Eastern Front, Hitler lost 607 divisions, while all the rest - 176, in three and a half times less. Then no one in doubt, whose contribution to the victory over fascism, more weight, and no one identified Nazism and communism.
On the one hand, the documents show how artificial and sluzhebno current identification Nazi and communism. On the other hand, they show how a radical change in the balance of forces suddenly turns into the opponent's ally. History teaches today soberly aware of the price of hugs in world politics: it is not ruled by gratitude and loyalty, and abiding interests.
How pitiful looks and unfair propaganda against the Soviet role in the war against the background of the unfolding of the Great Game of the great powers! At a time when the main policy tool serving information technology, and the manipulation of consciousness, is especially useful to apply ad fontes - to historical sources.
Our task is to systematically counteract the total distortion of the meaning of the Second World War. Official documents, beginning with the 1990-ies, especially the decisions of the Baltic states, indicate a complete change of political orientations. It is impossible not to notice that they are following in a channel, purposefully and long ago formed in the USA. Among the published documents can be found the notorious law PUBLIC LAW 86-90 "On the enslaved nations", adopted by the US Congress in 1959 on the initiative of Lev Dobriansky. It is noteworthy that this ideologist of the glorification of Bandera and OUN-UPA was also the mentor of the wife of former Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko.
The great events of the twentieth century is difficult to understand the international context. Only panoramic retrospective look at international relations opens a geopolitical perspective, allowing you to separate the conjuncture of the successive geopolitical constants. And without understanding the true motivation of a realistic program partners for Russia in XXI century, not form.
Many not only abroad but also in Russia have expressed genuine (or hypocritical) wonder: how can you defend the victory of the "Communist USSR" without feeling sympathy for the revolution and all its demons - Lenin, Stalin, Trotsky?
In fact, I shudder to recall that my father became in 1937, the "brother enemy of the people", and yet dare to ask politically incorrect counter question: what is behind the attempt to militant liberals and Western strategists make Stalin's "villain of all time," What are We never did any of Cromwell or of Robespierre, nor, much less, of Trotsky?
This can not be explained otherwise as a redistribution of spheres of influence - a redivision first ideological, and then military-strategic. In the West, a cliché is being replicated, as if the Second World War was a "war for American democracy." And if the USSR did not meet its standards, the Baltic countries can openly glorify the SS legionaries, even if the role of overseers or some biomass in the nazi project was reserved for the peoples of these countries. The European Parliament and the Council of Europe, which now claim to be an ideological mentor, openly say that the war was to blame the USSR, that the war was fought between the two predators for world domination, and for Eastern Europe victory was not a victory, but a defeat. Some very authoritative voices, not so long ago, regretted the failed alliance with Hitler for routing the hated Russia.
Our task - to return to the Second World War its main sense - meaning the greatest battle for the right of the people to be creators of their own history, and not a mass without a past, without culture and language, without historical choice with its inevitable ups and downs, insights and errors.
We have shown the world that Russian that war will always be the Great Patriotic War, no matter how liberal cynics sneered over victories and veterans over - even in the days of the anniversary.
Bile in the USSR and Russia poured out, however, is not the part of the inhabitants. Twenty years ago, maxims, such as the recent statements of A. Yatsenyuk, would produce a shock! It seems irrational hatred of Russia, and in all its historical image, has already become not just a sign of political correctness. She made an indulgence, redeeming all the sins: the sin and sneering over the life of the fallen on the fronts of the fathers, and unworthy of a democrat mockery of all that is dear and sacred to millions of people and direct crimes against humanity.
Total nihilism in relation to Russian history is so in demand in the current ideological battle against Russia, which seems to obscure the depressing "poverty of philosophy" of the intellectual idols of the libertarian fin de siècle - the end of the century. They no longer consider it necessary to rely on any reliable facts or documents in their historical exercises about the war. However, the depressing level of "rethinking" is just evidence of the obvious marginalization of attempts to distort the truth about the war, in which only very exalted characters are practicing both in Russia and abroad - such "enfants terribles" of the information field.
With the fall of communism, liberalism, the second child of the same philosophy of progress, was freed from the necessity of constant comparison with its own alter ego. Stigmatizing memories of totalitarian regimes, he now poses as the only incarnation of justice. The French economist A. Rado notes that by vilifying any alternative, liberalism intimidates society and hides its own vices. Turned from the Maoists to militant libertarians, "philosophers" reproduce an unpretentious paradigm and painfully familiar historical agitprop: "the barbarian empire of evil could not and there can be nothing righteous and right". According to this logic, no struggle of peoples for historical existence has value if it does not bring the triumph of a certain ideology closer - now this is a universal liberal democracy. For Russians this causes bitterness ...
Surprisingly though, as the cousin of communism - liberalism becomes the familiar features of his recent opponent: claims to ultimate truth and almost totalitarian intolerance of dissent, shameless manipulation of the facts and the substitution of knowledge views, primitive myth-making.
In the historical memory of the war against the invaders who have come to destroy and enslave, the debate about whether it is good or bad was the state, out of place. The trouble did not happen with the state and with the Fatherland.
It is a common homeland defended in 1914 1941 years and my grandfather Ivan Podolyakin - a full knight of St. George, the ensign of the Russian army, and my mother Lydia Podolyakina - partisan World, while States were different, and different people have different claims to them.
Of course, opponents will inevitably will be called arguments about the homeland and state pathetic and old-fashioned. Advanced "citizens of the world" for a long time looking at them with a smile Voltairean - made today only love democracy, the birthplace - where lower taxes and more freedom, a criterion which is about to be announced parades sodomites. Such, however, is familiar - like home it was only possible in the Soviet orthodox ideology, if it was communist, ie, for ideological reasons.
The dispute with the marginalized are not productive. Strengthening national will of the state of Russian society is so distinct that engage them in debate at the level that they, alas, is available - mean to show disrespect to the audience. We carry out a task - restoration of historical reality on the basis of documentary publications, support for research and serious discussion, it is useful in understanding our past and to understand the present.